Illustration by Riana Modi
Last year, on a day very similar to all the days before and after it, a close friend of mine asked me, “Were there people in Ireland before the English arrived?”.
This is an obviously ignorant question. People in Ireland existed long before the first formal English involvement, which came in the form of the Anglo-Norman invasion in the late 12th century. The Irish language is equally old, if not older, than English. Putting the facts aside, however, it is interesting to ask why this ignorance exists. Why do some people presume that Ireland could not have any history that isn’t defined by English involvement? Does this imply a belief in an innate English power that must always have existed?
I spend a lot of time thinking about where I fit into the world. What it means to be from a place, and how much it does or doesn’t matter. I am a history student, so this line of thinking is somewhat formally built into my life. But I am also from Northern Ireland, and at home it is difficult to pass through any part of civilisation without encountering a bold marker of identity, be it a flag or a bible quote.
When I arrived at university, the lack of an ever-present obsession with constitutional opinions was a relief. England felt more open to the world than my very small home; it still does. Northern Ireland has a tendency towards the insular and navel gazing. 97% of the population is white, and the state is decidedly more tied up with Christianity. The DUP, newly the second largest political party, is adamantly pro-life. For a month last year, their leader was an open creationist, similar to the party’s founder. Sinn Féin, now the largest political party, are distinctly more progressive than the DUP, but still more conservative in stance on some social issues than you would see in a British comparative; this reflects the legacy of the Catholic Church’s dominance in Ireland. In comparison to the views often expressed by peers at home, the general consensus on social issues in England has felt like a liberal bastion.
I am, however, convinced that Britain, and more specifically England, could do with questioning and debating its place in the world a little more. It is a country which has had immense power for much of modern history. Post formal empire, England has continued to enjoy overall success as a liberal democracy. To a certain extent, this consistent power and success may have led to a comfort zone. A change in approach seems quite unusual these days in establishment Britain, and I don’t think that is merely due to 12 years of one political party in charge.
In contrast, the Republic of Ireland has undergone a lot of change recently. The 2008 economic crash devastated the Irish economy in an almost uniquely disastrous fashion, as the ‘Celtic Tiger’ came crashing down. Government debt reached a peak of 119% of GDP in 2012. Despite this, at present, Ireland’s economy is hot, with the IMF predicting economic growth well ahead of most of the Eurozone. Investment has made Irish workers the most productive within OECD countries, and multinationals continue to flock to the Irish low-tax option. That’s not to say all is well. Despite a statistically high quality of life, Ireland is in the midst of a dreadful housing crisis with a 30% increase in homelessness in the last year.
Nonetheless, the Republic of Ireland’s repeated ability to see its place in the world, and to adapt to the surrounding context is interesting. In comparison, the UK looks stagnant. The Resolution Foundation recently stated that the years between 2004 and 2019 were the weakest for growth in gross domestic product per head in the UK since the years between 1919 and 1934, which has also been causing weak growth in real disposable incomes. Furthermore, Brexit has been economically harmful, as well as self-inflicted.
Now, you may ask, why is this economic ramble relevant to the question I recounted at the beginning of the article? I think knowing absolutely nothing about Ireland runs deeper than simple ignorance. The person who asked that question is incredibly well-educated, and knows lots about lots of things.
I think the root problem here is presumption. Presumption, which leads to ambivalence. A presumption that Britain has always been rich, so it will continue to be rich. A presumption that Britain has always been diplomatically important, so it will always hold that soft power. If things are presumed to stay the same, change can become uncomfortable.
Maybe, in this anecdotal case, the assumption may be that in modern historical terms, England has always been a more important place than Ireland. Important meaning rich, and diplomatically powerful. If Britain has always been so nearby and powerful, then it makes some level of sense to assume, or to suggest the possibility, that England sits at the base of Ireland’s history. After all, you would be forgiven for thinking the English institution had some natural claim to Ireland; many English actions in Ireland only make twisted-logical sense if they are viewed from that angle.
Contrary to my earlier statements about my own time spent thinking about identity, I don’t think Northern Ireland’s establishment is actually very good at thinking about its place in the world. It is oftentimes too obsessed with its own reflection. However, it is actually a place that is bizarrely aware of the possibility of change, in the form of the constant constitutional debate. Growing up there encouraged me to think about why political change happens, and led me to the presumption that it can happen. Nearby, the Republic of Ireland, as previously mentioned, was only formally created in a modern sense relatively recently, and I think there is a legacy of self-determinism driving a deliberate path in the world.
England, at least at the establishment level, does not yet feel to me like somewhere which is ready to be aware of the change in the world around it, and how it might need to adapt its position to suit change. I’m not sure English strength should be seen as inevitable. Removing this assumption might lead to less ignorant questions, and positive change becoming more possible. Ultimately, despite being a far more stable, diverse and liberal society, England’s government at present can sometimes feel more confused about its modern identity than my home; as it grapples with being less important than it once was.